Saturday, April 28, 2012

West Africa: Taylor Verdict Adds Impetus to ICC Efforts


BY SIMON JENNINGS

Former Liberian president Charles Taylor was convicted of war crimes this week by the United Nations Special Court for Sierra Leone, SCSL. Simon Jennings, IWPR's Africa editor, looks at the trial and its significance.
What are the wider implications of this verdict for west Africa, and also for international justice?
Taylor was convicted on all 11 charges of aiding and abetting war crimes and crimes against humanity in Sierra Leone between 1996 and 2002, during that country's brutal civil war. As Liberian president, he instructed and provided operational support to the Revolutionary United Front, RUF, a rebel group operating in Sierra Leone. He was found guilty of aiding and abetting acts of terrorism, murder, rape, sexual slavery and pillage.
He was not, however, found to have had command responsibility for acts committed by the RUF.
The verdict has been welcomed by many in the wider west African region, where leaders have for years acted with impunity and inflicted suffering on civilians.
The ruling will also be seen as a success for the SCSL's prosecutor, who narrowed down a broader indictment of 17 counts to the 11 heard by the court, and secured a guilty verdict on all of them.
More broadly, the verdict demonstrates that a sitting head of state is not immune from prosecution. Supporters of international justice will welcome this as a massive stride forward, particularly when set against the slow progress of the International Criminal Court, ICC, in The Hague which has so far struggled to bring heads of state and senior rebel leaders to justice.
The question of command responsibility was key to the trial. It wasn't about whether Taylor committed the acts himself; it was whether he ordered, supported or condoned them. What are the possible implications of the judges' findings on this?
Judges did not support the view that Taylor was guilty of the crimes at the higher threshold of actually ordering rebel forces to commit them. This will come as a blow to the lead prosecutor, Brenda Hollis, and she is likely to appeal against the decision.
The prosecutor of the ICC, Luis Moreno Ocampo, and his successor-in-waiting, Fatou Bensouda, will also probably be reading that part of the judgement carefully as they seek to convict former Congolese vice-president Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo for crimes committed by troops belonging to his Movement for the Liberation of Congo, when they operated in the Central African Republic in 2002-03.
Experts in international law say it is hard to successfully prove a formal, superior-subordinate relationship between a political leader and armed forces on the ground.
International case law, particularly stemming from judgements at the SCSL's sister court, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, ICTY, is arguably setting a high standard of proof for establishing that a defendant had effective control over troops.
When it comes to sentencing, Taylor's conviction for aiding and abetting may not result in more leniency than if he had been convicted of directly ordering the RUF to commit crimes. Following a sentencing hearing set for May 16, judges will have free rein to assess the importance of Taylor's contribution to these crimes and to deliver an appropriate sentence.
The western intervention that ended the RUF insurgency in Sierra Leone has been held up as a model for military action for humanitarian goals. Is the process by which Taylor has been brought to justice likely to be viewed in the same light?
While seen as an overall success, this verdict and the work of the SCSL are tempered by the fact that it has so far only convicted eight individuals of war crimes or crimes against humanity, despite the vast array of atrocities and perpetrators during Sierra Leone's civil war.
Completion of the Taylor trial has also been a long time coming, and he is slightly old news in the region, having been incarcerated in The Hague for six years.
The trial covered crimes in Sierra Leone, but did not address atrocities committed in Liberia itself or in the neighbouring countries of Guinea and C├┤te d'Ivoire where abuses were also reported. While the verdict will be welcomed in Sierra Leone, it has received a more mixed response in Liberia, where Taylor maintains some support.
In this part of the world, criminal trials are only half of the story. Real justice would involve the perpetrator actually accepting responsibility, rather than his guilt just being established in a trial - and this has not happened.
So is this case a success for international justice?
The judgement can be seen as capping a rare success story of western intervention, which has achieved both peace and justice after a protracted conflict.
The international community has often faced the conundrum of whether to prioritise peace or justice in conflict interventions.
This case would seem to be a coup for advocates of prioritising peace and undertaking the justice process later, rather than trying to deliver both simultaneously as has happened with Darfur and more recently Libya.
Despite being charged in March 2003, Taylor was offered safe haven in Nigeria before finally surrendering to the SCSL in 2006. But following this example, it seems unlikely that other fleeing heads of state will agree to safe haven.
In the context of the ICC, the verdict will add significant momentum to attempts to hold heads of state accountable.
With the recent capture of Libya's former intelligence chief, Abdullah al-Senussi, and now the first-ever African head of state behind bars, there could be less and less room for manoeuvre for the likes of Sudan's president, Omar al Bashir, who is wanted by the ICC on charges of genocide in Darfur.
The verdict will be welcomed by the ICC as one that could help its cause as a new prosecutor starts work in June and works to boost the court's credibility on the African continent.
There is an important caveat to this. Western powers are coming under greater scrutiny for their role in the emerging sphere of international justice. It is a much highlighted fact that the ICC has only charged leaders from the African continent, when serious atrocities also occur elsewhere in the world.
The ICC prosecutor has free rein to investigate crimes in any of the court's member states, and the UN Security Council council can refer cases to the court. While the court has broadly been welcomed for holding war crimes perpetrators to account, questions about its selectivity continue to undermine its legitimacy.
The SCSL has made efforts to relay proceedings in The Hague back to Sierra Leone via radio, print, blogs and seminars. But have people on the ground really been able to follow the trial?
One might well ask whether such a protracted trial has been able to sustain public interest, but that is a necessary evil of international justice, which involves lengthy proceedings.
The Special Court has had a strong record of bringing trials held both in Sierra Leone and in The Hague to the victims of the conflict. Hundreds of people watched the two-hour long verdict proceedings on screens at the SCSL in Freetown. But there are still going to be people who feel the Taylor trial should have been held in the country.
The question of where cases are heard will continue to be debated as the ICC struggles to persuade Libya to hand over Saif al-Islam Gaddafi to stand trial in The Hague. International courts will continue to face this dilemma.

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Everyone is a genius

Everyone is a genius. But if you judge a fish on its ability to climb a tree, it will live its whole life believing that it is stupid. – A Einstein

Drawing the line in Liberia

Crimes sponsored, committed, or masterminded by handful of individuals cannot be blamed upon an entire nationality. In this case, Liberians! The need for post-war justice is a step toward lasting peace, stability and prosperity for Liberia. Liberia needs a war crimes tribunal or some credible legal forum that is capable of dealing with atrocities perpetrated against defenseless men, women and children during the country's brutal war. Without justice, peace shall remain elusive and investment in Liberia will not produce the intended results. - Bernard Gbayee Goah



Men with unhealthy characters should not champion any noble cause

They pretend to advocate the cause of the people when their deeds in the dark mirror nothing else but EVIL!!
When evil and corrupt men try to champion a cause that is so noble … such cause, how noble it may be, becomes meaningless in the eyes of the people - Bernard Gbayee Goah.

If Liberia must move forward ...

If Liberia must move forward in order to claim its place as a civilized nation amongst world community of nations, come 2017 elections, Liberians must critically review the events of the past with honesty and objectivity. They must make a new commitment to seek lasting solutions. The track records of those who are presenting themselves as candidates for the position of "President of the Republic of Liberia" must be well examined. Liberians must be fair to themselves because results from the 2011 elections will determine the future of Liberia’s unborn generations to come - Bernard Gbayee Goah

Liberia's greatest problem!

While it is true that an individual may be held responsible for corruption and mismanagement of funds in government, the lack of proper system to work with may as well impede the process of ethical, managerial, and financial accountability - Bernard Gbayee Goah

What do I think should be done?

The situation in Liberia is Compound Complex and cannot be fixed unless the entire system of government is reinvented.
Liberia needs a workable but uncompromising system that will make the country an asylum free from abuse, and other forms of corruption.
Any attempt to institute the system mentioned above in the absence of rule of law is meaningless, and more detrimental to Liberia as a whole - Bernard Gbayee Goah

Liberia's Natural Resources
Besides land water and few other resources, most of Liberia’s dependable natural resources are not infinite, they are finite and therefore can be depleted.
Liberia’s gold, diamond, and other natural resources will not always be an available source of revenue generation for its people and its government. The need to invent a system in government that focuses on an alternative income generation method cannot be over emphasized at this point - Bernard Gbayee Goah

Liberia needs a proper system
If Liberians refuse to erect a proper system in place that promotes the minimization of corruption and mismanagement of public funds by government institutions, and individuals, there will come a time when the value of the entire country will be seen as a large valueless land suited on the west coast of Africa with some polluted bodies of waters and nothing else. To have no system in place in any country is to have no respect for rule of law. To have no respect for rule of law is to believe in lawlessness. And where there is lawlessness, there is always corruption - Bernard Gbayee Goah

Solving problems in the absence of war talks

As political instability continues to increase in Africa, it has become abundantly clear that military intervention as a primary remedy to peace is not a durable solution. Such intervention only increases insecurity and massive economic hardship. An existing example which could be a valuable lesson for Liberia is Great Britain, and the US war on terror for the purpose of global security. The use of arms whether in peace keeping, occupation, or invasion as a primary means of solving problem has yield only little results. Military intervention by any country as the only solution to problem solving will result into massive military spending, economic hardship, more fear, and animosity as well as increase insecurity. The alternative is learning how to solve problems in the absence of war talks. The objective of such alternative must be to provide real sustainable human security which cannot be achieved through military arm intervention, or aggression. In order to achieve results that will make the peaceful coexistence of all mankind possible, there must be a common ground for the stories of all sides to be heard. I believe there are always three sides to every story: Their side of the story, Our side of the story, and The truthBernard Gbayee Goah

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